REPUBLICAN TURKISH PARTY

OUR VIEWS ON :

• THE CAUSES OF THE CYPRUS PROBLEM
• THE RESULTS CREATED BY IT
• ITS DANGERS AND
• ITS SOLUTION

• The Republican Turkish Party (CTP)
  The Republican Turkish Party is the oldest political party within our community and was formed on 27th of December, 1970.
  It was founded in order to defend democracy, human rights and inter- communal peace, to oppose the reactionary, chauvinist regime, which was under the influence of the military organisations of that period. These had arisen as a result of the inter-communal conflict starting in the 1950’s and consolidating after the conflict in 1963.
  The Republican Turkish Party gave its first difficult struggle by participating in the elections of the Vice-Presidency of the Republic of Cyprus. Its Chairman, Ahmet Mithat Berberoğlu was forced to withdraw his candidacy. At that time, the first Vice President of the Republic of Cyprus, the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community of the time, Dr. Fazıl Küçük, was also forced to withdraw.
  Until other political parties were formed after 1974, the Republican Turkish Party, which based its activities on democratic principles, was not approved of and attempts were made to restrict its activities. After the creation of other political parties and a relatively democratic environment, the Republican Turkish Party succeeded in getting two members of parliament with 12 per cent of the votes in the elections of 1976. In the 1981 elections its percentage went up to 15% and the number of members of parliament became six. In the 1985 elections the Republican Turkish Party received 22% of the votes, winning 12 seats.
  The National Unity Party (UBP) changed the election law with a view of becoming the sole ruler; the Republican Turkish Party formed a joint list in the 1990 elections together with other opposition parties Communal Liberation Party (TKP), Rebirth Party (YDP)) and competed against the UBP. The Republican Turkish Party Members of Parliament, who won the elections on the basis of the joint list, withdrew from the parliament in accordance with a party decision. This decision was taken because the interventions in the elections by the Turkish government at the time, as well as by some military and civil circles was found to be against democratic conditions. All but two of the Communal Liberation Party members of parliament also withdrew from parliament.
  As a result of the deep crisis and the struggle to achieve democratic system, early elections had to be called. In these elections which took place on 12.12.1993, the Republican Turkish Party received 24.5% of the votes and won 13 seats. At the beginning of 1994, the Republican Turkish Party became a partner of a coalition government which lasted two and a half years.
  Due to the pressure of the reactionary forces in both Turkey and Cyprus who oppose peace, our coalition partner the Democratic Party (DP) was compelled to form a right-wing coalition with the National Unity Party (UBP). Meanwhile a crisis had emerged within the government as a result of which our party withdrew from power.
  The Republican Turkish Party is a political party that defends the rights of the working class, as well as giving incentives and credits to those investors who want to make investments towards production in our country. Our party also supports artisans and craftsman, believing in creating suitable credit conditions for them.
  The Republican Turkish Party is a political party that embraces each and everyone active in the Turkish Cypriot community who see their future in Cyprus and who want a just and viable, peaceful solution in Cyprus.
• New War Means Disaster
  The missile crisis and tendencies to a military solution, have once again shown that the Cyprus problem is like a bomb ready to explode so long as the problem remains unsolved.
  An explosion of this sort, blowing up the whole region, may cause great catastrophes. Turkish and Greek Cypriots who lived through several wars and now are in an environment of neither war nor peace, do not wish to live through another catastrophe of this sort.
• There Are Bases For Inter-communal Negotiations And A Solution
  There are bases for inter-communal talks and a solution to the Cyprus problem. The efforts put into the process in finding a solution and the stage we have reached makes the impasse meaningless. The basis of a solution has been laid by the 1977 and 1979 High Level Agreements as well as the various resolutions of the UN and the Security Council which are relevant to the Cyprus problem. The solution has, to a great extent, taken shape in the Ghali Set of Ideas. In fact, the Cordovez Paper was also the product of these ideas.
  There are bases for negotiations and a realistic solution for a federal Cyprus that would be mutually acceptable. Such a federal Cyprus would be bi-zonal, bi-communal, politically equal, as well as taking into consideration the security needs of both communities. The bases are the 1977 and 1979 High Level Agreements, the relevant UN resolutions, the Ghali Set of Ideas and the agreements reached at various times, during negotiations between the two leaders. The negotiations between the two leaders which started this year in New York and continued at Montreux aimed to deal with humanitarian issues. This could have beenh a great opportunity to the parties for a start to a solution process.
• The Cyprus Problem
  Cyprus is an island in the eastern Mediterranean, that can have influence over Europe, Asia and Africa, due to its position. That is why throughout its history, it created interest of the surrounding states and the strong states who had an interest in the region. That is why the island was invaded throughout its history by a lot of kingdoms and empires. The Ottoman rule that began with a similar view in 1571, gave its place to the British, who took over the island in 1878. Making use of the weak condition of the Ottoman Empire, the British declared their own sovereignty and exerted their rule until the founding of the Republic of Cyprus in 1960.
  Nowadays, a lot of states are making efforts for the island not to be used against them even if they do not exert their sovereignty over the island despite the progress in technology.
  The strategic importance of the island of Cyprus increased after the Second World War where the world was divided into two blocks and after the national liberation struggles throughout the world, including the Middle East. All of a sudden this beautiful island became a place where military and political strategic wars were waged. The two communities were used against each other during the rising against the British rule in Cyprus, after the Second World War. Due to the strategic interests and “national-historical mistrust” between Turkey and Greece, the two communities came face to face for ENOSIS (Union with Greece) and TAKSİM (Partition of the island) and the inter-communal conflict was provoked. The positive relationships created by the progressive peoples of both communities were curtailed by the reactionary fanatics of each side.
  The Republic of Cyprus founded in 1960, with the contribution of Turkey, Greece and the world, began disintegrating after President Makarios wanted to change 13 clauses of the Constitution. The conflict between the underground movements EOKA and TMT, livened up again, after the proposal of changes to the Constitution. After these demands that provoked the inter-communal conflict in December 1963, the tension increased and the two communities separated from each other. Coming together in England on 15th of January 1964, the three guarantor states and the representatives of the two communities held a conference. In this conference England proposed the enforcement of peace and security by a Peace Force, consisting of soldiers to be contributed by NATO countries. The Greek Cypriot side refused this proposal and proposed the problem to be resolved within the context of the UN. The UN Security Council, in its meeting of March 1964, with the affirmative vote of Turkey, decided unanimously, to form a UN Peace-Keeping Force for Cyprus and for an interlocutor to be selected. According to the 4th clause of the Resolution, the UN Peace Keeping Force would work with the permission of the 'Cyprus Government'.
  While the Turkish Cypriots had to live in ghettos in this period, the inter-communal fighting continued at different intervals, at different places until 1967. After this period; the inter-communal relations started to reconcile until 1974. During the same time, marathon meetings were held between the President of the Turkish Communal Chamber, Rauf Denktaş and The President of the Greek Cypriot Parliament, Glafcos Klerides, in order to find a solution to the Cyprus problem. When an inter-communal agreement foreseeing local autonomous rights for Turkish Cypriots were being reached, the basis of a new period was created for Cyprus by a coup d’etat in 1974. This coup d’etat aimed at uniting Cyprus with Greece and was organised by the fascist Colonels’ Junta in Greece. This coup against Makarios was seen as a betrayal of the Republic of Cyprus by Greece. Greece was one of the guarantors of the Republic of Cyprus. It was supposed to guarantee the independence, sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus.
  The other guarantor country, Turkey contacted England according to the relevant process and proposed to intervene in Cyprus. The two countries could not agree to act together so Turkey acted alone and undertook a military operation on the 20th of July, 1974.
  After the operation of Turkey, the UN Security Council convened on the 21st of September, 1974 and passed resolution number 3212. Turkey used its affirmative vote on this resolution. During the negotiation process the Turkish side proposed a bi-zonal federation. Greece and the Greek Cypriot side spoke against this. The representatives of Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot side stressed that the sole guarantee of the sovereignty, independence, non-alignment and the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus was the Turkish Cypriot community in Cyprus. The Turkish side also stressed that Turkey had no aims to partition the island in the future either.
  The resolution 3212, accepted unanimously by 111 countries, as well as the affirmative vote of Turkey, participating in the General Assembly of the UN; called on:
  “All states (Clause 1) to respect the sovereignty; independence; non-alignment and territorial integrity policy of the Republic of Cyprus”
  And in the 4th Clause, found it appropriate that “talks and relations should start between the two communities on an equal basis, under the auspices of "the good-offices of the Secretary General” and it foresaw that “Relations and talks should continue with the aim of freely reaching a mutually acceptable political solution, based on basic legal rights of both communities.”
  After this date, following various meetings and mediation initiatives, the two leaders finally came together under the UN umbrella and Denktash and Makarios signed the High Level Agreement comprising Four Principles which could be a basis for the solution of the Cyprus problem.
• High Level Agreements
  The four principles in the high level agreement signed by Denktash and Makarios who came together in 1977 are as follows:
  1977 High Level Agreement
  Makarios / Denktash Four Guidelines
  (Nicosia, 12 February, 1977)
  1. We are seeking an independent, non-aligned bi-communal Federal Republic;
  2. The territory under the administration of each community should be discussed in the light of economic viability or productivity and land ownership;
  3. Questions of principle like freedom of movement, freedom of settlement and the right of property and other specific matters are open for discussion taking into consideration the fundamental basis of a bi-communal federal system and certain difficulties which may arise for the Turkish Cypriot community;
  4. The powers and functions of the central federal government will be such as to safeguard the unity of the country, having regard to the bi-communal character of the State.
  After the death of Makarios, Kiprianou came to power in the Greek Cypriot community. After mutual political conflict and disagreements, Denktash and Kiprianou came together in 1979. They both reconfirmed the Denktash-Makarios High Level Agreement and also signed a new high level agreement consisting of 10 clauses.
• 1979 High Level Agreement, Ten Point Kiprianou/ Denktash Agreement
  (Nicosia, 19 May, 1979)
  1. It was agreed to resume inter-communal talks on 15 June 1979.
  2. The basis for the talks will be the Makarios/Denktash guidelines of 12 February 1977 and the UN resolutions relevant to the Cyprus question.
  3. There should be respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms of all citizens of the Republic.
  4. The talks will deal with all territorial and constitutional aspects.
  5. Priority will be given to reaching agreement on the resettlement of Varosha under UN auspices simultaneously with the beginning of the consideration by the interlocutors of the constitutional and territorial aspects of a comprehensive settlement. After agreement on Varosha has been reached, it will be implemented without awaiting the outcome of the discussion on other aspects of the Cyprus problem.
  6. The parties will abstain from any action which might jeopardise the outcome of the talks, and special importance will be given to initial practical measures by both sides to promote goodwill, mutual confidence and return to normal conditions.
  7. The demilitarisation of the Republic of Cyprus is envisaged and matters relating thereto will be discussed.
  8. The independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic should be adequately guaranteed and against union in whole, or in part, with any other country and against any form of partition or secession.
  9. The inter-communal talks will be carried out in continuing and sustained manner avoiding and delay.
  10. The inter-communal talks will take place in Nicosia.
  After a long impasse in the inter-communal talks, Vasiliou was elected to the Greek Cypriot leadership in 1988. The talks began again. The talks took place first in Geneva, then in New York, under the auspices of the UN Secretary General De Cuellar. The talks continued after Ghali was elected to the General Secretariat of the UN. During the period of the General Secretariat of Ghali, first proximity talks were held, and then direct talks took place. In this process, the Ghali Set of Ideas came about. The Ghali Set of Ideas foresaw a bi-zonal, bi-communal, politically equal, territorially integral and a sovereign structure of the state. Its sovereignty would derive from the two communities and it would have one international identity. After a solution, the number of soldiers would be decreased to appropriate numbers. These Set of Ideas were accepted by both communities to a great extent. The Ghali Set of Ideas also foresaw the membership of the Federal Cyprus to the EU, after a solution to the Cyprus problem and after a referendum held by both communities.
  The Cyprus problem is a problem lasting for many years that concern both the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities, Turkey and Greece, as well as attracting the interest of the UN and the whole world. The status quo we live under is an intermediate result of this long lasting problem. It is an intermediate result, since none of the sides see this as an end result.
  All the high level agreements, relevant UN resolutions, the Ghali Set of Ideas and all the mutual agreements see a Federal Republic of Cyprus as a solution, not the status quo of today.
• What Sort Of A Solution Is Possible And What Is A Good Solution
  Probable solutions for the Cyprus problem
  a- The integration of the island with Greece
  This is neither politically nor strategically acceptable for the Turkish Cypriots who are equal founding partners according to the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus. Nor is it an acceptable solution for either guarantor Turkey or the rest of the world. In such a case, the soft belly of Turkey would be surrounded by Greece. Such a result is not acceptable for Turkey, especially from a military perspective.
  b- The integration of the island with Turkey
  Such a solution is not acceptable for the Greek Cypriot community who is an equal founding partner of the Republic. Neither would Greece find this acceptable. Such a solution is not acceptable for the world states either, since they find even the current situation unacceptable.
  c- The partition of the island -- founding of two separate states -- two annexations
  Even though it may seem a practical solution to partition the island between the two communities, on the current borders or new borders to be created, it is not a feasible solution. This is because the integrity of the island that is protected by 1960 agreements would be destroyed and the borders of the motherlands Turkey and Greece would pass through Cyprus. The partition cannot be rational due to the scope of the economy of such a small island. That such a solution would give the opportunity to Greece to surround Turkey from under her soft belly, is apparent. For this reason, it does not seem possible that Turkey would accept such a solution. Such a solution is also not possible for either the Greek Cypriot side or Greece.
  d- Return to the former status
  The sufferings that took place between the two communities from the late 1950s, until now, have fuelled mistrust towards each other. Time is needed in order to build trust again. That is why a solution to be found has to be viable, lasting and closed to provocation as much as possible. And this cannot be done by returning to the conditions prior to 1974.
• The Reasonable Solution Is A Federal Solution Which Would Give Both Communities Joint Sovereignty Rights.
  Both the representatives of Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot community expressed their opinions on a federal solution, during the meetings at the UN where the Cyprus problem was taken up. This concept was later accepted at the high level agreements of 1977 and 1979. The relevant UN resolutions, the Ghali Set of Ideas and the mutual agreements reached at the bi-communal talks, foresee bi-zonality, bi-communality, a bi-communal basis and political equality of both communities. Such a structure would ensure the independence, non-alignment, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Cyprus and also satisfy the needs of the communities to rule themselves, to preserve their separate identities, and to feel safe, since it will be a structure of bi-zonality and bi-communality. The fact that the number of troops on the island would be decreased and that both communities would have joint sovereignty over the island after a federal solution, would prevent any part of the island to be used against Turkey or Greece. A mutually satisfying solution would contribute to the solution of other problems between Turkey and Greece.
  There should be no question of "winning a victory" in the solution of the Cyprus problem. Since one of the sides would not accept all demands of the other side, this would not be solution or even if it were a solution, it would not be a lasting one. The possible realistic solution would be one where neither side would be either a winner or a loser, a solution that would be based on the joint bases created until now and a solution that would not put either side in a difficult position.
  Finally the victory would belong to all Cypriots, Turkish and Greek, who would have reached peace.
• The Last High Level Meeting, Why A Solution Now?
  The border events starting from August 1996, as well as mutual provocation have increased the tension between the two communities. While the initiatives continue to make 1997 the year of peace, the missile crisis, the armament program of the Greek Cypriots, mutual manoeuvres of war and a stunning armament race, has taken tension to a peak. Another reason for tension is the membership talks to start in 1998 between the EU and Greek Cypriots.
  The prolongation of the Cyprus problem and the tension created in this small country results in the emigration of the Turkish Cypriots to other countries on the one hand, and destruction of the tourism sector on the other. It is not possible for either South or North Cyprus, whose economies depend on tourism, to carry on the weight of such tension, any more.
  Peace, will ensure both communities look to their future with confidence. Only peace and a federal solution will carry our young generations towards the future.
  The prolongation of tension also makes the two neighbouring countries, Turkey and Greece, confront each other. In summary, since the status quo in Cyprus carries the potential of the danger of war, it is a problem to be resolved immediately.
• There Are Bases For A Solution
  Bases have been created for a solution in all of the mutual agreements made until now, in the high level agreements, in the relevant UN resolutions and the Ghali Set of Ideas. We can summarise these as follows:
  CYPRUS is the common homeland of Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities. These two communities are not minorities or majorities but they are two equal wings of a federal structure to be created in Cyprus.
  The good offices' mission given to the UN Secretary General by the Security Council, clearly concerns both communities. This mission also includes the equality of both communities in the inter-communal talks. That is why, the solution must be acceptable to both communities. At the same time, respect must be shown to the cultural, religious and social identities of both communities. Each federated state will be ruled in its own region, by the respective communal will.
  This base is the consensus on bi-zonality, bi-communality, political equality, territorial integrity and sovereignty. It is the consensus on a federal state with only one international identity, a federal state where there would be guarantees against separation or annexation with another country, where security needs of both communities would be satisfied. This basis also includes the assurance of communal rights of the communities and the individuals human rights and freedoms of all citizens of the future federal Republic.
• Regional And World Peace
  Due to its tense periods, the Cyprus problem has preoccupied the agenda of the world so much that many countries became involved with the problem. Due to historical reasons, Turkey and Greece became especially involved with the Cyprus problem. Since both countries have formed military alliances with their own neighbouring countries; any military conflict in Cyprus will endanger the peace of the region. The relationships between Greece and Syria and Turkey and Israel are examples of this. A solution in Cyprus, on the other hand will involve the communities in Cyprus and will start a peace process that will surround the region and the world.
• The EU Membership Of Federal Cyprus
  The discussions concerning the membership to the EU of the Federal Republic of Cyprus to be founded, have accumulated such scope that it is almost becoming an obstacle to the solution of the Cyprus problem.
  Remembering that the Ghali Set of Ideas also has proposals concerning this issue, it is clear that, primarily, efforts should be made in order to solve the Cyprus problem. If the Greek Cypriot side is accepted as a member of the EU, this would mean the alienation of the Turkish Cypriot community from this process and this is not acceptable. Such a development also carries the danger of consolidating the division of Cyprus.
  It is also quite wrong to say that “Even if the Cyprus problem is solved, a Federal Cyprus cannot be a member of EU, before Turkey becomes a member...” Such discourse will strengthen the propaganda that the Turkish side does not want a solution and will help the membership of the Greek Cypriots to the EU.
  While the European and American diplomats increasingly say that “It is not possible for Cyprus to become a member of EU before a solution is found," the threatening discourse claiming that “If the Greek Cypriots become members to the EU alone...” should be stopped immediately.
  The Turkish Cypriot community will be a politically equal partner in a federal Cyprus to be founded on the basis of 1960 Guarantee and Alliance Agreements too. It will participate in the executive and the legislative bodies of the federal structure, on the basis of political equality. This structure of the federal state will be reflected in the organs of the EU, due to membership. With such representation our community will stop being a “second class community," and will be as equal as other member states of EU, as well as Greece.
  After a solution, if the membership of the Federal Republic of Cyprus is put to referendum separately in both communities, as foreseen in the Ghali Set of Ideas, there is no reason why this structure should not be a member of EU. The membership of a state where Turkish Cypriots would be politically equal partners would be a “first” and will also help Turkey gain an advantage in its own membership process to the EU.
  Since it is right to enter EU after the solution of the Cyprus problem, the Turkish Cypriot community must take its place in the negotiation process with EU. With the progress in the talks aiming at the solving of the Cyprus problem, it will be easier to find appropriate methods for the Turkish Cypriot community to participate in these membership talks.
  The attitude of the authorities of EU in recent times promoting the fact that the Turkish Cypriot community should also be part of the membership process between EU and Cyprus should be seen as an opportunity to be evaluated. The Turkish Cypriot community should evaluate this positive attitude and should get ready as the Turkish wing of a Federal Cyprus that would be a member of EU.
  Prepared by Secretariat of Foreign Relations of CTP